Interconnecting Urban Planning with Multi-Scale Urban Quality:

Review of Macro Scale Urban Redevelopment Project on Micro Scale Urban Quality in

Shenzhen

 

Abstract:

The Shenzhen planning system has been effective in promoting economic growth through the

prodigious urbanization of land. It has given priority to the ‘macro-level’ planning goals of economic

growth through physical development. Questions can be raised about the physical and social

outcomes from the development process at the ‘micro-level’, not least in the level of ‘quality’ of the

physical environment at the micro scale and the creation of a ‘place identity’ (Chen, 2010; Hang,

2006; Wu, 2012). This paper examines these questions in the redevelopment of the metropolitan area,

drawing a case study of the Sungang-Qingshuihe (SQ) district in Shenzhen. We have established

criteria for evaluation of the planning and implementation of redevelopment, with reference to both

macro-level economic goals and micro-level urban ‘spatial quality’ objectives. We explain the

approach taken and the reasons, outline its strengths and weaknesses in relation to the criteria, and

define the apparent limitations.

The findings point to critical features of planning and development practice in Shenzhen which make a

significant contribution to the creation (or destruction) of micro-level spatial quality and place

identity, including the lack of an independent quality control authority and the ‘closed’ internal

processes of decision-making. This paper concludes by examining the problems of transferring

practice from elsewhere and challenges the priority given to national economic growth over the ‘local

public interest’. It recommends strengthening the role of coordinator, to balance the needs of macroand

micro-level objectives, to expose the interests of all affected parties.

Keywords: Urban redevelopment, Local Quality, Planning Tool

1. Introduction

Urban development and planning of cities in China has made a fundamental contribution to meeting

national economic and social policy goals at the “macro-level” and with significant achievements. The

urbanization rate in China reached 53.73% in 2013, achieving the fastest urban growth worldwide

(UN, 2014; UN Habitat, 2014). More recently, increasing attention has been given to transformation

of existing urban areas and urban redevelopment, since peripheral expansion of cities has become

more difficult, as well as the ageing of urban development schemes from the 1980s and the need for

renewal. The commodification of housing and land, since 1980, helped to initiate large-scale urban

redevelopment. Within the interaction between the state and the market, the rationale of urban

redevelopment in China has changed from the alleviation of dilapidated housing estates as a means of

social welfare provision, to state-sponsored property development as a means of growth promotion

(He, 2009).

Questions have been raised about the physical and social outcomes from the redevelopment process at

the “micro-level”, not least in the level of “quality” of the physical environment and the creation or

maintenance of a sense of place or “place identity” (Chen, 2010; Hang, 2006; Wu, 2012). Evaluations

of the performance of urban development have concluded that, whilst standardized planning and

 

design has enabled rapid urban development and achieved huge economic growth, it has also

contributed to poor “spatial and environmental quality” - meaning for example, the dominance of

mono-functional urban neighborhoods and the loss of street vitality, the erosion of cultural heritage,

local distinctiveness and place identity, poor accessibility to services and widespread negative

externality effects such as noise and pollution.

This paper contributes to the debate of urban redevelopment and evaluates the impact of macro-scale

urban redevelopment project and planning policy on the micro-scale urban quality and place identity.

It draws the regeneration of the Sungang-Qingshuihe (SQ) district in Shenzhen as a study case, to

evaluate its plan and implementation process, and provides recommendations on integration of

different scales of urban quality through urban planning.

2. Theoretical Framework

Many developed countries have had similar problems. For example, in her seminal text, Jane Jacobs

(Jacobs, 1961) criticized urban planning practice in the USA, which she argued was creating

characterless, and mono-functional neighborhoods and undermining the livability and attractiveness of

cities. She helped to define the essential ingredients for the vitality and viability of cities and called for

urban planning to recognize and promote their importance. Charles Landry (Landry, 2008) explains

how in Europe, planning has often achieved qualities of mix of functions, diversity of uses and

cultural identity of cities. However, these qualities have been under threats from planning approaches

that prioritize macro-level objectives with insufficient attention to the local micro-level effects. While

there is great variety in planning systems and cultures in Europe (Nadin, 2008), there is a general trend

towards 1) more strategic approaches that integrate the objectives of competing policy sectors and

levels of government in territorial governance (Nadin, 2007, Zonneveld, 2012); 2) adaptive and locally

responsive planning tools that can reconcile both macro- and micro-level objectives in urban planning

(Halleux, 2012; Rauws, 2014); and 3) collaborative planning processes that engage with stakeholders

in an inclusive way (Healey, 2006).

There is potential for China to learn from the experiences of integrating macro and micro concerns in

territorial management and urban planning in other countries. This study brings this knowledge into

the Chinese context, and sets up an analytical framework to review the redevelopment case of the SQ

district. The study considers urban redevelopment as a dynamic and collaborative process, and thus

the social, spatial and political context, the involved actors, and the planning and implementation

process of the redevelopment project are given great attention.

3. Urban context – Shenzhen

3.1 Context and trends

Shenzhen is located in the Pearl River Delta (PRD) region adjacent to Hong Kong. Prior to 1979, it

was a small fishing village with a population of only 20,000 people (Zacharias, 2010). This all

changed in 1978 with the creation of China’s first Special Economic Zone (SEZ) by Deng Xiaoping as

part of the ‘Opening up policy’. The SEZ is an area of relaxed financial regulation and increased local

government autonomy (Ng, 1999). The creation of the SEZ led to staggering economic and population

growth. From 1980 to 2001, the annual GDP growth rate was 38.9% per capita (Ng, 2003), while the

population has grown to 10.47 million as of 2011 (Shenzhen Information Network Center, 2012).

Shenzhen has grown through a land-based economic development model. The planning system of

Shenzhen has been very successful in promoting economic growth, where the urbanization of land and

 

 

the redevelopment of existing areas has been used by the Municipality as a means to gain capital for

regional development (Lin, 2011). In 1987, the paid leasing of land use rights began in Chinese cities

with the leasing of land quickly becoming a significant source of income for local governments. This

new land policy has changed the form of urban areas leading to land speculation, price increases and a

land rent gradient that had previously not existed in Chinese cities (Yeh, 1996). Combined with

pressure for economic growth, this system of land leasing encourages development projects that will

achieve high economic returns in well located urban areas, often pushing out the existing residents

(Yeh, 1996).

Shenzhen now is undergoing a new wave of economic restructuring. Due to the cheaper labor in many

inland cities and other countries, Shenzhen has lost the competitive advantage it once had and much of

the light manufacturing and industry has now moved away (Zacharias, 2010). To promote the

economic growth of the city during its development, urban planning focused on the development of

large land parcels (Zacharias, 2010). However, as industry relocates, the previous focus on large urban

parcels means large areas of the city are now vacant.

In addition to economic restructuring, Shenzhen is being defined by new urban scales, rising levels of

competition and increasing regionalization. The Pearl River Delta Region, encompassing the cities of

Guangzhou, Dongguan, Foshan, Huizhou, Hong Kong and Macau, has an estimated population of 27

million people (Woetzel, 2009). The delta cities are becoming increasingly more connected through

the development of major new infrastructure projects (Ye, 2012), driven by the National and

Municipal governments. At the same time, competition between the cities in the PRD, as well as intraurban

competition between the city districts, intensifies (Zacharias, 2010; Bruton, 2005) as areas seek

investment and connection to the international, national and regional networks.

Driven by the departure of industry, rising land price, political and economic pressure to attract

foreign direct investment, high-profile redevelopment projects which are often designed through

international competitions are becoming a common development response. As a result of the fast

urban construction, the city also is outdating extremely fast. However, more attention is given to the

new development, instead of regeneration. There are a number of recent examples in Shenzhen of new

business districts (Shenzhen bay ‘Super city’- 2014), new towns (Guangming Gateway), science parks

(NFU and SZU Advanced Technology Park - 2010) and large new urban areas (Qianhai water city -

2010). The regeneration of SQ is one of the few and the biggest regeneration projects in the city.

However, the ambition and planning procedure for this area is not much different than building a new

district, as the paid leasing of land use rights encourages development that achieve high economic

returns to ensure profitability. The brief for the SQ reflects the international aspirations of the local

and municipal government calling for an ‘international consumer center’.

3.2 Challenges of local scale pressures

The current planning approach has, however, not effectively reached to local scale urban environments

and many workers and migrants are left feeling that they are not seeing their share of the economic

benefits. While cities have been developing, the provision of adequate public services has not kept up

with this economic growth. According to Ye (2012), this lack of public service provision, together

with “income gaps, social stratification and housing price spikes, leads to widespread social unrest in

Chinese cities”.

 

4. Regeneration Case Study of SQ District, Shenzhen

4.1 Site

SQ district is a 540-hectare outdated logistic center in Shenzhen. It represented the manufacturing

history of the city, and witnessed the dramatic urbanization of Shenzhen in the past 30 years. The site

is centrally located in the Luohu district, the first city center, and is well connected to the city’s

infrastructure and transportation networks as shown in Figure 1. The former North station in the site

connects Hong Kong and Mainland China, making the site a gateway of Shenzhen.